Earlier this week, Israeli fighter jets began to pound Gaza several weeks after Netanyahu vowed that if Hamas does not accept American ceasefire proposals, he would order the army to reignite the war effort against the terrorist organization.
In response to both developments, demonstrators took to the streets, venting their frustrations.
“This is a very vocal protest which is characterized by the participation of former high-ranking security officials from the army and police,” Dr. Yonatan Freeman, an international relations expert at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, told The Media Line. “It is also happening during a war, with the hostage crisis in the background, making it not just a protest against Netanyahu, but a protest to get the hostages out.”
After years of protests against Netanyahu, it is hard to see what will make this one different, despite the presence of former senior figures in the defense and political establishment. In other words, the chances of this protest fulfilling the wish of its participants to remove Netanyahu from office are slim.
“It’s doomed to fail,” said Dina Dayan, a social activist and member of the Labor Party. “People are obsessed with Netanyahu, and all of this is delusional. There are no values or ideology behind the protests; they have nothing to sell. Being against Netanyahu is not a value.”
Hamas’ attack stunned Israel and shed light on years of Hamas’ empowerment enabled by the Jewish state. Netanyahu, a veteran at the helm, was viewed by many in the Israeli public as responsible for the situation. In addition, the senior military command failed to foresee the attack and respond swiftly to mitigate its scope. His approval ratings plummeted in the immediate aftermath of the war, and his opponents were quick to write him off, believing his era was over.
But the war elongated and evolved, quickly incorporating other fronts as Israel faced enemies near and far. Netanyahu, a political maverick, began recovering, taking credit for successes and brushing off demands for a national inquiry commission, claiming the time for investigation was only after the war effort concluded.
“Netanyahu is still pretty strong at the polls, and the base for his power continues to be solid,” Freeman said. “One of the main factors behind this is the lack of unity amongst the opposition. They cannot agree as to what needs to be done about the various issues.”
At 75, Netanyahu is a veteran figure on the political scene. Many Israelis have only a distant memory of politics without his presence. Throughout the years, no real alternative has emerged, neither from within his bloc nor from the opposition.
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Opposition party leaders Yair Golan, Mansour Abbas, Avigdor Liberman, Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid
(Photo: Alex kolomoisky, Amit Shabi)
“On the personal level, he is far more charismatic than others,” Dr. Moti Gigi, a senior lecturer in the Sociology and Communications Department at the Sapir Academic College, told The Media Line. “Ideologically, what is the left offering? There is an ideological vacuum in the left bloc in Israel, in line with the global trend in other western democracies.”
Israeli law allows a prime minister to remain in office while under trial.
“A sitting prime minister under trial creates doubts about his motives,” said Gigi. “This creates a tricky twilight zone which is dangerous to Israel’s already fragile democracy.”
Major protests against Netanyahu began during the COVID pandemic when the longest-serving Israeli premier was accused of infringing on privacy rights, mismanaging the financial fallout of the crisis, and easily imposing lockdowns in addition to enforcing a strict vaccination regime. The protest movement then evolved to focus on Netanyahu’s trial.
Netanyahu has served six terms in office. Between 1996 and the present day, barring two non-consecutive terms, Netanyahu has led different coalitions. The current one, sworn in in late 2022, is considered the most far-right and brought forward a highly controversial proposal to reform the judiciary. The reform, which opponents called a coup, was meant to curb the influence of the judiciary and remove restraints from the government. This plunged the country into yet another round of protests that was abruptly brought to a halt by Hamas’ brutal attack.
The war has been going on for 17 months and has become Israel’s longest war. The brief lull in the demonstrations ended as frustration from the lengthy fighting, the increased burden on the reservist soldiers, the hostage crisis and the government’s refusal to establish an inquiry committee into what led to Hamas’ attack led people to the streets again.
Still, Netanyahu’s approval ratings began to recuperate.
“The parties in power are not paying a high electoral price due to the protests,” Dr. Or Tuttnauer, an expert on opposition parties from MZES, the University of Mannheim, told The Media Line. “The Likud maintains around 20% of public support consistently and the coalition partners represent ideological groups who see the government as a tool to realize their ambitions. With this in mind, the demonstrations only encourage them to avoid any possibility of moving the elections forward, with the hopes that whatever price they are paying, the electoral damage will diminish.”
The parliamentary opposition to Netanyahu is highly fragmented. It includes far-left elements, Arab parties and far-right elements. At its center are two parties that define themselves as centrists but have right-wing political and security views that make their distinction from Netanyahu’s Likud vague at best.
“The fact that the opposition has no clear message or one single leader weakens its ability to succeed,” Freeman said. “Netanyahu still has a mandate to execute his policies.”
Reeling after Hamas’ attack, Israelis took a further turn to the right in what was already a clear slant of the public in recent decades.
“Most of the people are in the center, or perhaps even in the right,” said Tuttnauer. “So, in order to get more mandates, they have to talk like the government. But when faced with the choice of who to vote for and the options are similar, voters usually choose what is more authentic or for the party that is already in power.”
“This offensive has been planned for weeks,” said Freeman. “If it was a political move, Bar would not have participated and resigned.”
The Cabinet approved Bar’s dismissal early Friday. The Shin Bet has played a critical role during the war on Hamas in Gaza. Bar appeared in a video released by the IDF; he is seen alongside the army chief-of-staff overseeing airstrikes on the Gaza Strip. He was instrumental in approving the plans to resume the war on Hamas.
Netanyahu’s opponents accuse him of prolonging the war and endangering the hostages to delay his trial and secure his political future. They frame every decision by Netanyahu as personally motivated to ensure his political survival and evade a guilty verdict in court.
The premier’s senior coalition partners threatened that if he did not resume the war effort, they would resign from the government, essentially toppling it and plunging the country into an election.
“If the war expands, this would be in favor of Netanyahu and give him more support due to an unstable security situation,” said Freeman. “If indeed the war will pressure Hamas into agreeing to release hostages and bring to a ceasefire, as Netanyahu promises, this will also weaken the opposition. As long as the opposition is fragmented, the public has no message to rally around.”
Early Thursday, the Israeli parliament approved the framework for the 2025 budget. The vote removed a key hurdle to the budget approval, granting Netanyahu quiet on the political front. The next election is scheduled for October 2026.
“I have no doubt that the right-wing will win this election,” Dayan told The Media Line. “The opposition is offering no product and no vision that will end this.”
“Netanyahu is under no political threat,” she concluded.
